PAVILION II

HISTORY

As Jefferson prepared the drawings for the East Lawn, workmen were busy with four pavilions of the west range. Pavilions III and VII were nearing completion, and the basements of Pavilions I and V were being excavated. Note: 3 The contracts for the latter buildings were held by Virginia masons and carpenters, much to Jefferson's disappointment, for he had hoped that the university would be able to hire craftsmen from Philadelphia, whom, he believed, were "the cheapest, and generally the most steady of correct workmen in the US." He was convinced of "their superior activity over those we are used" to. Note: 4

The proctor of the university had advertised in newspapers published not only in Richmond and Winchester, Virginia, but also in Philadelphia for brick makers, brick layers, stone masons, house carpenters and joiners, and plasterers, painters, and glaziers. Note: 5 One of the first respondents was Richard Ware , a Philadelphia builder, who offered to build three structures. Jefferson swiftly agreed to Ware's proposal over others from Virginia contractors and requested that Ware send a reply by return mail, but, much to Jefferson's consternation, Ware did not respond. Note: 6 Finally, the university awarded the contracts for Pavilions I and V to "others who had been competitors from Richmond," and they set to work. Note: 7

Jefferson, and undoubtedly the proctor, were startled to discover at this juncture that Richard Ware had arrived in Charlottesville. Ware, it turned out, had been detained at the behest of his creditors. Jefferson suggested withdrawing any work not yet "positively engaged" from the Virginia contractors and assigning it to Ware. The tactic apparently was not workable, for Jefferson and the second member of the Visitors' committee of superintendence, John H. Cocke , decided to commit the university to begin construction of two more pavilions rather than the one hotel that the Board of Visitors had authorized, in order to set Ware and his workmen to work. Jefferson and Cocke made this decision without the approval of the Board of Visitors. Note: 8

The construction of more pavilions had been a high personal priority for Jefferson. In the fall of 1818, for instance, he had written to a friend that two pavilions "are nearly ready and as many will be erected the next summer as workmen can be procured to execute." Note: 9 Soon thereafter, he told James Oldham, a carpenter who had earlier worked at Monticello, that " We expect to have about half a dozen houses, with a long line of dormitories done the ensuing season " -- one more than the Visitors had authorized. Note: 10 Indeed, Jefferson may have privately welcomed Ware's unexpected arrival, for it provided a rationale for beginning the next phase of campus construction and supported Jefferson's desire that the University of Virginia be regarded from the outset as an important seat of learning. Early in 1819, he wrote to Joseph Cabell , another of the Visitors, that "I think with you that we must apply all our funds to building, for the present year [rather than to hire faculty] and not open the institution until we can do it with that degree of splendor necessary to give it a prominent character . . ." Jefferson presented a similar explanation during the next year: "The delay in the opening of our seminary in this neighborhood has proceeded entirely from its conversion into a general and public university instead of a local and private college. The latter would have been ready and opened two years ago. The general instruction requires more extensive preparation . . . We consider a complete, though later institution, as preferable to an earlier, but defective one." Note: 11 The architecture of the university was to Jefferson an integral part of the presentation of the university.

The drawing that Jefferson prepared for Pavilion II carried the notation that the order was based on the Ionic of the Temple of the Fortuna Virilis in Rome, which was illustrated in plates in The Architecture of A. Palladio; in Four Books. One of the distinguishing features of this order is that the volutes of the capitals at the outer corners of the columns are positioned diagonally at the ends of the portico. The Temple of Fortuna Virilis has a frieze of ox skulls, putti, ribbons, and garlands festooned with fruit motifs, which were also used in Pavilion II. Other elements, such as the fluting of the columns and the second column between the enclosed building and the portico, were not used in the pavilion the first probably because it required more carved stone than could be afforded, the second because it would interfere with the passageways that connect the pavilions and dormitories.

The advertisement that the university had placed in Virginia and Philadelphia newspapers in March, 1819, had requested proposals from artisans "who can produce certificates from known characters of their perfect skill in their line of business and of their good faith and punctuality in the performance of their undertakings." Note: 12 Richard Ware , the Philadelphia carpenter, quickly solicited references to support his proposal to work on the university. Four Philadelphians James C. Fisher, John Vaughan, Edward Burd, and John Read endorsed a letter stating that "We do not hesitate . . . to state that he has long been held in high estimation, as a workman of intelligence, skill, and fidelity, that many of the handsomest and best buildings of our city have been of his construction; and that we should deem him in every way worthy to be employed, and competent, as a carpenter, to assist in the contemplated structure." Note: 13 Probably more influential was the recommendation submitted directly to Jefferson from Robert Mills, who was then in Baltimore overseeing the construction of the Washington monument. As a student, Mills was befriended by Jefferson, who made his architectural library available to him. From 1808 through 1817, Mills had practiced architecture in Philadelphia, a time when Ware was also in the city. Mills wrote Jefferson about Ware just a few days after the newspaper advertisement appeared. The letter also reveals the Ware had also speedily arranged for an interview with Jefferson:

Mr. Richd. Ware who hands you this letter is a respectable Master Carpenter from Philadelphia who is on his way to Charlottesville to offer proposals towards executing or undertaking part of the Carpentry of the university buildings proposed to be built at or near Charlottesville -- permit me to recommend him to the attention of the proctor, Nelson Barksdale Esqr. thro' you.

Ware bears with him recommendations from Gentlemen well known to you in Philadelphia, with whose names I will cheerfully associate mine, as I have had business with Mr. W. during my residence in Pha. Note: 14

Less than a week later, Ware was in Charlottesville and had prepared the following written proposal to Nelson Barksdale , the proctor: "The subscriber will be happy to undertake three portions mentioned in the advertisement and uppon the conditions their specified at fifteen percent below the Book of Prices published by M. Cary in 1812 provided it should meet the approbation of the Honorable Body." Note: 15 The "three portions" to which Ware referred were Pavilions I and V in the western range and probably the hotel that had been authorized.

Ware's offer to undertake the work at a rate that was 15 percent below the published schedule from Philadelphia is noteworthy when compared to the proposals submitted by Virginia craftsmen. James Oldham , the carpenter who was then at work on the framing for Pavilion I and had earlier worked for Jefferson at Monticello, proposed to erect one or two of the new buildings at 25 percent above the published prices. John M. Perry, a mason, who like Oldham had worked on Monticello and was already working on Pavilion III, similarly set his prices at 25 percent over those of the price book. Note: 16 Knowledge of Ware's bid may have been circulating in Charlottesville, for within a week, Perry withdrew his first proposal and agreed instead to work for the same rates listed in the price book. Perry and his partner, James Dinsmore , told James Oldham about their new proposals; Oldham then requested "the favor" of submitting a new bid and told Jefferson that "I am very desirous of getting to work if on Terms only that will cover my daily expenses." Note: 17

Despite having told Oldham that he had "nothing to do with the employment of Workmen," Jefferson was nonetheless directly involved. On April 9, 1819, two weeks after receiving Ware's proposal, Jefferson wrote to Ware accepting his proposal but giving up the 15 percent discount, because, he explained, "we wish our workmen to receive a reasonable living price for what they do." The acceptance was based on the condition that Ware would be able to engage brickmakers and bricklayers from Philadelphia, who were to produce and lay between 500,000 and 600,000 bricks at the rates of $11.50 per thousand for place bricks and $20.00 for the special oil stock bricks for the fronts of the buildings, the prices already established for other brickwork at the university. The university agreed to supply housing for the workers in the dormitories that had been completed. Ware was to do the carpentry work himself. Note: 18

Jefferson directed Ware "to give me notice by letter as soon as you can of what we may depend upon, observing that all should be here as soon as possible & especially the brickmasons. Indeed I wish that on the receipt of this you would immediately write me your expectation were it only to assure me of the receipt of this letter, as the advance of the season & quantity of work to be done leaves us no spare time." Note: 19 Jefferson sent the letter to Philadelphia by a messenger, who was to deliver it to Thomas Cooper , who in turn was to deliver it "under the protection of your cover" to Ware. On the strength of Ware's proposal and his interest in the job, Jefferson also wrote on April 9 to two masons from Richmond, Curtis Carter and William B. Phillips, telling them that most of the work was engaged, but that two to three hundred thousand bricks would be reserved for them if they chose "to undertake it on those terms." Note: 20

Under these conditions, it is not surprising that Jefferson was greatly chagrined to learn that Ware was detained in Philadelphia. The construction season was advanced, as Jefferson had pointed out, and he had used the prices offered by Ware as a negotiating point with the Richmond masons. The first indications of Ware's troubles came in letters written in mid-April, 1819, by Thomas Cooper , a Philadelphian with whom Jefferson corresponded on various university matters. Ware was, Cooper reported, "absent from Philadelphia . . . in order to take the benefit of the Insolvent law in Delaware State." Ware sent word to Cooper that he would "thankfully accept" Jefferson's terms, which he considered as "liberal." Ware, according to Cooper, predicted that there would "be no difficulty in procuring carpenters or Bricklayers," but finding brick makers was a problem caused by the university's stipulation that " all Sammel, " or underburned bricks, would be rejected and by the fact that most brickmakers in Philadelphia had already "engaged their Summer work." Note: 21 Two days later, Ware wrote Jefferson directly, reporting that he had been finishing "a small job out of town w[h]ich will be done in 10 days." He reported that he was getting his tools ready and seeking brickmakers for the university. Note: 22

By mid-May, Jefferson had despaired of engaging Philadelphia craftsmen as he had so enthusiastically anticipated. His letter of May 17, 1819, to the new proctor of the university, Arthur Brockenbrough , reveals his consternation:

"I have received a letter from Philadelphia which very much affects our arrangements for this year. Mr. Ware on whom we relied to come himself and bring brickmakers and layers to do a whole range of buildings was it seems under embarrassing circumstances, & on it's being known that he was coming here, he was arrested by his creditors & was in jail at the date of the letter. What are we to do? -- in the first place keep this a profound secret until we can substitute contracts to supply his place. If you are satisfied that Carter can do as good work as the best already done at the university engage him largely for what is yet to be done and it would be very desirable that he should get the two young men who had executed pavilion [III] . . . I shall write immediately to Dr. Cooper to send us on housejoiners from Philadelphia, which he has assured me he could do on the best terms: and I think it necessary for our own credit we should get some workmen from Philadelphia lest we should seem really to have been jockeying our own workmen. Before too that this thing be known you should have written articles signed by all your workmen, for they will endeavor to fly the way when they suspect that the Philadelphia competition is withdrawn. " Note: 23

It was under these circumstances that Brockenbrough quickly engaged Curtis Carter and William B. Phillips , brick contractors from Richmond, to undertake Pavilion I and John M. Perry , another Virginia contractor, to build Pavilion V.

Meanwhile, John H. Cocke and Jefferson had visited the grounds and, because of a disagreement over the construction of the hotel that had been authorized, had determined that "instead of executing the row on the back street . . . we will do the opposite row of Pavilions & dormitories on the East side of the lawn, so as to compleat the buildings for the Professors this year." Jefferson had felt that it would be better "to reserve the question about changing the plan of the Hotels & dormitories for the decision of the visitors at their next meeting." Jefferson believed that the change being proposed for the hotels -- that they be large-scale buildings -- would alter the fundamental character of student accommodations at the university. He did not agree with the proposal and decided that the matter should be put to the full Board of Visitors, rather than being decided by a committee. He also rationalized the construction of the pavilions in the interim, for, he explained, "these pavilions can be used for Hotels until wanting for the Professors." James Dinsmore was directed to survey or "to lay off the ground for the buildings" of the East Lawn. Note: 24

Ware soon extricated himself from Philadelphia and appeared at Monticello in late May, 1819. His arrival was followed closely by the receipt of a letter from John Vaughan , one of the Philadelphians who had signed the recommendation for Ware. Vaughan explained to Jefferson that he had known that Ware "had been unfortunate," but he "had heard nothing against his Character." While Ware had been in Virginia and after his return, Vaughan heard reports "of an unfortunate nature" and set out to investigate them. Vaughan required Ware to produce evidence from his creditors, and Vaughan seemed satisfied with the evidence. Note: 25

Jefferson was jubilant. He wrote from Monticello to the proctor of the university: "I have great pleasure in informing you that Mr. Ware is arrived. He tells me he was arrested by creditors & detained some time. He says he has secured as many bricklayers, brickmakers & house joiners as we can find work for, that they are glad to come at our prices, and will be ready to come off at once on his writing back what work we can give them." Jefferson suggested to Brockenbrough that he disengage the Virginia craftsman who had just started work. Ware had assured Jefferson that the workmen from Philadelphia were "the most steady, faithful & skillful and will carry on our work with a spirit that will give us high satisfaction." Jefferson told Brockenbrough that he was "really anxious to have these people employed." Note: 26

Brockenbrough's reply to Jefferson has not been located, but it undoubtedly included news that Jefferson did not want to hear -- that Pavilions I and V had been firmly committed to the Virginian contractors. At this point, Jefferson set to work preparing the drawings for the East Lawn and directed Brockenbrough to have the workmen begin digging the foundations for the east pavilions. The drawings were produced in the space of two weeks, just prior to Jefferson's departure for Poplar Forest, his summer home near Lynchburg. Jefferson explained to James Breckenridge , another of the Visitors, how the work was divided -- to the Virginians "we assigned . . . the completion of the Western range, and to the Philadelphians the Eastern." Note: 27

Meanwhile, Ware traveled to Philadelphia to engage the bricklayers and his own men and decided to return to Charlottesville with them on the same ship. He remained in Philadelphia longer than he had anticipated while the captain of the sailing vessel awaited receipt of a shipment of fruit. He wrote the proctor explaining the delay and inquiring about accommodations for his men, urging the proctor to "forward the buildings thats already up. I would be verry glad otherwise we shall have not A place to lay our heads & I wish to keep all of the men together upon the premises & away from the Town." By July 8, 1819, Ware and his men were in Richmond and were expected to arrive at Charlottesville momentarily. Within a few days, Jefferson was able to report that "the Philadelphians had arrived at the university & had set to work." Jefferson assured another correspondent that they were "the best workmen of Philadelphia in different lines." Note: 28

Ware had been assigned Pavilions II and IV "with their adjacent dormitories." Over the next two weeks Ware was busy laying the cellar of Pavilion II and digging its "under way,"perhaps a reference to the small rooms under the dormitories. He had made "A few 1000 bricks" and before the end of July had produced 12,000 bricks. He also encountered some difficulties. Two of his workers were ill, but he was relieved that there was no yellow fever in the vicinity. He needed nails, more hands to work in the brickyard, and either rain to feed the stream that ran the sawmill or a team of sawyers. His horses had run away, and he feared that they would "pay Richmond A visit before we find them," because one had been purchased there. Some of his workers departed "alledging that they could not work unless they could get fresh beef." Note: 29 Alexander Garret , the bursar, told Brockenbrough that he hoped the men would return, for "they would be a great loss to the institution as Ware carries on his work in a very superior stile to any others on the university." Note: 30

Arthur S. Brockenbrough , the new proctor, had not yet settled in Charlottesville, probably because his residence was not yet complete. Ware's correspondence with the proctor suggests that Brockenbrough had asked him to oversee quarrying of stone for the university. Stone for the capitals and bases of the porticos of the pavilions was a particularly vexing problem.

Ware had tried to find stonecutters in Philadelphia but apparently did not come to an agreement with the university over wages. Note: 31 Two Italian stone carvers, Giacomo and Michael Raggi , had been engaged, but when they finally arrived at the university during the summer of 1819, the news was doubly bad. After examining stone in a quarry near Charlottesville, they determined that it would be "impossible to make of it an Ionic or Corinthian capital." They also declared that they could work "only in these ornamental parts, & not at all in plain work." Jefferson wrote that he had never been "so nonplussed." It was probably at Jefferson's urging that the Raggis were, nevertheless, directed to experiment with carving this stone into "leaves of a Corinthian capital." If they did not succeed, then they were to work on Ionic capitals, for which Jefferson had been confident, "it will answer." Note: 32

Ware reported to Brockenbrough on July 22, 1819, that "the stone cutters have got out A piece of stone " for the Raggis. Ware thought that it would "look well when worked, the grit is hard & sharp verry hard upon tools but it can worked." Note: 33 Meanwhile, Jefferson, who had moved to Poplar Forest for the summer, enquired about stone in that region, but the reports were disappointing. "The quality is such as would not bear the chisel for delicate work," he wrote, "and is of so deep a blue as would not do with our white pillars." Jefferson obtained this information, along with detailed estimates on the amounts of time required to carve the various orders, from John Gorman , a stonecutter, who had been polishing marble at Poplar Forest and laying hearths. Gorman later was engaged by the university and worked on Pavilion II and several other buildings. Note: 34 The Raggis, meanwhile, had found the local stone "too hard and flinty." They stopped after cutting just one leaf and began cutting bases for the columns. The problems with the local stone were discussed at the Visitors' meeting of October 4, 1819, and it was agreed that "the stone in the neighborhood of the university is found not capable of being wrought into Capitals for the columns of some of the Pavilions" and that "it may be necessary to procure elsewhere proper stone or marble & to have such Capitals executed here or elsewhere." Note: 35

By mid-August, 1819, the foundation of Pavilion II was ready, but according to one report, Ware was not "ready for laying" the walls because he had not yet burned bricks for them, although his men were at work at their brickyard. The bricklayers, who also cut stone, were busy "dressing door sills." The proctor's records indicate that Ware supplied the bricks for Pavilion II 115,267 common bricks, 3,731 bricks for the foundations and columns, and 8,269 oil stock bricks, the special type of brick made for the front facade. Jefferson had first seen oil stock brickwork in Lynchburg in 1817 and called it "the most beautiful brick work" he had seen. Note: 36

Ware's contract with the university has not been located, but judging from contracts with other workmen, it probably followed the conditions outlined in the newspaper advertisements published in March, 1819. According to the advertisements, the brick contractors were to use oil stock bricks for the front facade, as mentioned above. The other exterior walls were to be faced with sand stocks, and the interior of the walls were to be constructed of place bricks. All were to be clinkers, or bricks burned longer than normal. A penalty of five cents was to be charged for each sammel, or underburned, brick, and there were to be no more than two bats to nine whole bricks. The formula for the mortar was also detailed in the advertisement. The mortar was to consist of one part lime to two parts "clean gritty sand without any mixture of earth," while the outer walls were to be laid with mortar made of one part lime and one part sand and finished with grout made of one part lime and two parts sand. Ware was paid $1,533.85 for the brick, plus $1,800 for lumber and $2,839.14 for labor on Pavilion II. Note: 37

The proctor's records include several bills for building materials purchased by Ware beginning in July, 1819, presumably for Pavilions II and IV, which he also built. From W. D. Meriwether , Ware purchased variously sized plank and scantling, and from John Rodes he bought several hundred feet of wavy edge plank and flooring plank. In August, Robert Lindsey sent 13 wagons containing about 700 feet of plank to the university for Ware. James Black sent another 1,900 feet of flooring in September. A receipt dated November 2, 1819, shows that Nelson Barksdale , who had earlier served as proctor of the university, supplied Ware with lumber valued at $200 for Pavilions II and IV, one of the first receipts so specifically identified. Another payment to Barksdale documents the progress on Ware's buildings; Ware requested payment for "Scantling & Hart plank delivered for Pavilion N. 1 N 2 and four Dormatarys between Pavilions & joist for six dormatorys south of Pavilion No. 2 E Range" at a cost of $1,383.51. Just before Christmas, 1819, Ware requested a payment for a man who had spent a day hauling "scaffold poles." Ware authorized payment to Ambrose Flannagan in February, 1820, for plank for the East Lawn, suggesting that Ware remained at the university during the winter. Note: 38

An invoice that Ware submitted to the proctor in July, 1823, refers to some of the last work that he undertook for the university. The proctor's accounts show a few dollars owed to Ware through February, 1824, and then an unchanging balance of a few cents due through September, 1825. These records suggest that Ware probably left the university during the summer of 1823, after completing four years of work. He appears not to have submitted a bid for the construction of the Rotunda. Note: 39 Several other contractors also constructed small amounts of brickwork at Pavilion II. John M. Perry , who worked on Pavilions III and V, was paid $142.09 for "Paving & Columns" and $21.93 for "paving in Cellar." William B. Phillips , who held the contract for masonry on Pavilion I, provided bricks for the back wall of Pavilion II for $78.96. Samuel Campbell was paid $10.80 for laying 36 yards of dry wall. Note: 40 John Gorman , the Virginia stonecutter, supplied the four bases for the Ionic columns of the portico. He also cut and set door sills, a back step, and three "stove stones," the blocks of stone that helped insulate iron stoves from flammable building materials. Jefferson described Gorman as being "of the first class of stone cutters for everything which is not sculpture," who was "able to prepare an Ionic capital all but the last finishing." He was, Jefferson wrote, "sensible, sober, skillful and industrious," as well as "good humored." Note: 41

After Gorman had assisted Jefferson in calculating the amount of time necessary to complete the stone carving at the university, Jefferson realized that it would take the two Italian sculptors a full three years to complete just the Corinthian and Ionic capitals. He told the proctor that they "should be employed therefore in nothing else, and all bases should be done by other hands." Gorman qualified as one who could cut the bases, and he soon set to work at the university, where he became, as Jefferson had hoped, "a valuable acquisition." Like the other workmen, he lived in one of the completed dormitories. Gorman's contract with the university stipulated that he was to be paid not by the day but by the job, as he had wished. His tools were to be sharpened at the proctor's expense "at the Shop now at the university." Note: 42

The problem of finding stone of suitable quality for the Raggi brothers to carve remained a problem. Early in the spring of 1820, Gorman and one of the Raggis traveled to Augusta County, Georgia, "to examine a marble quarry for the benefit of this institution." Michael Raggi partially completed one Corinthian and one Ionic capital before returning to Italy during the fall of 1820, but Jefferson did not expect to use his work, probably due to faults in the marble. Meanwhile, Jefferson had enquired of Thomas Appleton , then the American ambassador to Italy, about the costs of having the more ornate capitals carved near the marble quarries at Carrara, because Jefferson still had not located a source of good quality marble in America. Note: 43

The Visitors approved a proposal to have capitals carved in Carrara at their meeting on April 2, 1821, and Jefferson soon dispatched an order for ten Ionic and six Corinthian capitals and two Corinthian half capitals to Appleton, with instructions that work be completed so the capitals would be installed in the fall of the same year. Note: 44 However, the capitals did not arrive in Virginia until the summer of 1823. Among this shipment were four Ionic capitals for Pavilion II, which cost $60 each (the Corinthian caps cost $180 each) plus a charge of $47.06 for an astragal, or extra bead molding, near the base of the Ionic caps. The shipping costs were $247.73, nearly as much as the cost of the materials and workmanship. The capitals were shipped from New York to Richmond and then to Scott's Landing. It took several men four days to haul them from the landing to the university. Note: 45 Just as the capitals arrived, Giacomo Raggi and the university drew up an agreement that provided that he would furnish the university with "ten Corinthian bases of Marble of Carrara of quality equal" to that of the Italian-made capitals and two pilaster bases that were to be carved "according to the bases of the Pantheon of Rome as drawn by Palladio." Raggi was to return to Italy for this work, and Thomas Appleton , who was still in Leghorn, was to oversee the work. This was the stonework for the Rotunda. Note: 46

Another workman associated with Pavilion II was A. H. Brooks , who was responsible for the tin roofing. Brooks had installed tin roofing on several houses in Staunton, Virginia, and was interviewed by James Dinsmore , the principal joiner at Monticello, about the practice in the fall of 1818. Brooks was paid for the roofing work in October, 1821, and the bill for the 19 boxes of tinplate was paid in November, 1821. Brooks's labor charge was $188.18, and the tinplate cost $14.00 a box. It was probably purchased in Richmond from one of the two dealers who regularly sold metal goods to the university, John Van Lew and Co., and D. W. and C.Warwick. Note: 47

Jefferson had intended from the time of his initial drawings that the second floor of Pavilion II be heated by stoves, not open hearths. Accordingly, in 1821, the university purchased from Blackford, Arthur & Co. of Isabella Furnace, Virginia, three small Franklin stoves, priced at $15 each. This firm was also paid $57.67 for sash weights for the windows. It is interesting that the university chose stoves from this foundry, over the Rittenhouse-style, open stoves that had been purchased earlier for the west pavilions. For at least one other pavilion, the university had earlier purchased sash weights from Paul A. Sabbato, a New York iron founder who had earlier produced cast ironwork for Richmond,Virginia. Note: 48

Building hardware for Pavilion II in the amount of $72.24 was purchased from James Leitch , a Charlottesville merchant. It is not known exactly what items Leitch supplied for Pavilion II, but accounts show that during the period of construction of the pavilions he sold to the university window pulleys, butt hinges, screws, screw plates, cut and wrought rails, English blistered steel, mortise locks, springs, sash cord, and glass. Other hardware, including locks, hinges, screws, nails and castings, valued at $312.23, was also used in Pavilion II. Note: 49

The plastering work at Pavilion II was probably done by Joseph Antrim . Antrim signed an agreement on March 22, 1820, "to do all the plastering, rough casting &c at the university Va." It was "to be executed in a masterly manner & as fast as may be reasonably required." The price was to be "ascertained by what two of the most respectable members of the Master plasterers society of Philadelphia shall say is the customary & a fair price at this time in that place." In 1819, Jefferson had called upon Antrim to replaster the ceiling in the central room at Poplar Forest. Five years later, Jefferson wrote a recommendation for Antrim that stated that he "had been employed, as plasterer, to do the whole plastering of all buildings of the University of Virginia" and reported that he had done the work "with fidelity and a skill of the first order." He was, in Jefferson's estimation, "of perfectly correct habits and conduct, sober, industrious, faithful, and worthy of any degree of trust which may be reposed in him" Note: 50

Another important craftsman who had ties to Jefferson's personal building projects and who worked on Pavilion II was William Coffee , an English-born sculptor who had settled in New York in 1816 and turned his energies to producing architectural ornaments of lead and composition. Jefferson had been in contact with Coffee in 1818 and 1819 about the use of Roman cement at the university and at Monticello. Note: 51

In March, 1822, after visiting Jefferson at Monticello, Coffee signed an agreement with the proctor of the university listing the ornaments that would be supplied for the ten pavilions. Coffee agreed "to furnish suitable ornaments for the entablatures of the drawing rooms in each Pavilion, the ornaments to be made of composition, and the necessary ornaments for the front of the Porticos of Pavilions No 1 and 2 to be made of lead." The work was to be done by October of the same year, and the bill was to be paid before April 1, 1823. For Pavilion II, Coffee proposed to supply 34 feet of lead frieze at $2.00 per foot, presumably for the portico, and 52 ox skulls at 26 cents each and 48 flowers at 24 cents apiece for the Doric entablature of the drawing room. Portions of the extant portico frieze are of lead. An historic photograph of the cornice of the drawing room shows the ox skulls and flowers in place. Later, when Brockenbrough became upset over Coffee's invoice, he wrote to the proctor: "my very good Friend don't you remember that that paper was considered by you and me as only the heads of our engagement. We did not think it at all necessary to mention every Item. " Part of the problem with the university's order was cleared up when it was discovered that the ox skull ornaments for Pavilion II had been shipped to Poplar Forest with Jefferson's personal order of monuments. Note: 52

The painting and glazing at Pavilion II was done under a contract with Edward Lowber , of Philadelphia. Lowber had been providing services and materials to the university at least as early as 1820. He supplied glass and white lead, linseed oil pigments, and other painting supplies from Philadelphia, which by July, 1821, had been valued at $2,500. Note: 53

The Board of Visitors heard a report at their meeting of October 7, 1822, that construction on all of the pavilions and dormitories had been completed. Balance sheets indicate that the total cost of Pavilion II through December 31, 1823, was $10,000.535. During 1824, improvements totaling $710.86 were made to the building. About two hundred dollars more was spent on Pavilion II in 1825. Note: 54

ADDITIONS AND ALTERATIONS

Evidently the first professor to occupy Pavilion II was Dr. Thomas Johnson , who was hired by the university to teach anatomy and surgery. He may havejoined the faculty in the fall of 1829, for there is a receipt from October of that year for work done on Dr. Johnson's pavilion; if so, he was probably the "Demonstrator" mentioned above. Note: 56 Dr. Johnson spent his own funds not only for improvements to his pavilion but also for changes to the anatomical theatre, which was located in another building. In 1834, when he resigned from his post, Dr. Johnson requested reimbursement for "alterations about the house & lot" at Pavilion II. The nature of these changes was not delineated. The Visitors expected that the executive committee would "liberally" adjust his claims. Note: 57

Dr. Augustus L. Warner was immediately appointed to replace Dr. Johnson. Dr. Johnson was given permission to remain in Pavilion II through August 20, 1834; Dr. Warner probably moved in soon after that. A year later Dr. Warner requested that alterations be made to the pavilion, but the Visitors were not able to "make further appropriations for the alterations requested" for Pavilion II because "the urgent demands upon the funds of the University for repairs to the Pavilions, Dormitories, and other structures render[ed] it inexpedient at this time." The wording of the Visitors' resolution suggests that some work had already been done. In 1835, roof repairs to various buildings, including Pavilion II, were begun and were to be completed during the following year. Note: 58

In the summer of 1837, Pavilion II was assigned to Dr. James L. Cabell , who succeeded Dr. Warner as professor of anatomy and surgery. Two years later, Dr. Cabell presented a letter to the Board of Visitors requesting permission to make changes "in the Interior of his pavilion with a view to render the same more convenient & useful." Dr. Cabell requested that the Visitors refer For the details of the proposed improvements . . . to Mr. Joseph C. Cabell who has made an examination of the spot in consultation with an architect." Dr. Cabell's "principal object" in the improvements was "to separate by a narrow passage his dining room from the lawn and thereby protect the ladies of this family from exhibitions of undecency and profanity that are so frequently presented during the session of the college." Furthermore, he wrote, "the improvement would at the same time & at a very trivial cost render the pavilion in other respects more convenient as a family residence" ; with these changes, the comfort of his family would be "materially promoted." Permission was granted, after a committee of the Board of Visitors inspected the building, provided that Dr. Cabell assume the cost of the improvements, as he had suggested, until the Visitors deemed it proper to reimburse him. The work was soon carried out, for the Visitors approved reimbursement during 1840 "for the improvements and additions heretofore" authorized. Note: 59

A porch was in place at the rear of Pavilion II prior to 1841. In July of that year, the Visitors authorized the proctor "to renew the porch" and to "enlarge the size thereof equal to that of no. 4," provided that the funds were available. This work was carried out over the next few months, for on May 1, 1842, payment of $100.51 was made to George Spooner for a "New Porch at Dr. Cabells." Some other interior work may have been done at this time, for Spooner included in the same statement a reference to "altering and finishing closet commenced by Johnson." Note: 60

Various minor repairs were undertaken in the mid-nineteenth century, but few details are available. In May, 1847, for example, Spooner was paid $12.00 "for repairs to Lecture Room & Pavilion No. 2," and in the following October, James Watson was paid "for 24 1/2 days work as a Carpenter & in repairing Dr. Cabell's Lecure room, Dormitories &c &c." In December, 1867, carpenter's work in the amount of $17.75 was carried out, and small quantities of window glass and brick were billed to Pavilion II. In the summer of 1868, four panes of glass, each 12 by 18 inches, were replaced, and minor repairs to the windows were made over the next few years. Six blinds may have been replaced in 1873. Two years later, nine pairs of blinds and two doors were painted, and in 1878 eleven pairs of blinds were painted. More windows were repaired in the spring of 1880, when G. I. Bowyer reglazed five windows; a year later eleven sash cords and a pair of knobs were replaced. When Bowyer was working on the windows in 1880, he also undertook 394 yards of painting at Pavilion II. Note: 61

The proctor's records indicate that the mechanical systems and equipment were upgraded during the mid-nineteenth century. Beginning in October, 1860, Dr. Cabell was billed for gas, probably for lighting. During 1866 he hauled, in his own wagon, six tons of anthracite coal, perhaps for use in coal grates that the Visitors had approved in 1854 as a substitute for wood-burning fireplaces. Plumbing had been installed in Pavilion II by 1868, when a water closet was repaired twice, at a cost of $2.00, and in 1873 a bathroom required repairs. The water closet was repaired again in 1877, at the same time that a refrigerator or icebox was repaired. Note: 62

During the Civil War, the Visitors granted Dr. Cabell leave to serve as a surgeon for the Confederate States at the hospital at Charlottesville, while retaining his connection with the university. Little work was done on the buildings during the war, for want of both funds and skilled workmen. The Board of Visitors heard a report in July, 1865, that "much of the roofing was in bad condition" and that the pavilions, along with other buildings, "required immediate attention." A report prepared by J. K. Campbell , the proctor, in May, 1866, on the conditions of the property noted that "the terrace roof leaks badly in several places," including a section in front of Pavilion II. Pavilion II also needed "new guttering and spouting and the painting of the outside wood work." Note: 63

The rear porch that had been rebuilt in 1841 was evidently still in place in 1866 but in a deteriorated condition, for George Spooner recommended that the "north end of the back porch should be ceiled or paneled and the present dilapidated lattice work removed." The blinds on Pavilion II, like those on all professors' residences, needed painting. However, the faculty, who responded to the report, did not rank the painting or the porch repairs as urgent. Roofing repairs continued to be a problem for the university; the Visitors were told in 1868, for example, that the "roofs of the Professors Houses, the Hotels and dormitories are said to nearly all leak more or less" and that the "Gutters are generally in bad condition." Note: 64

A few changes to the outside areas surrounding Pavilion II were made during Dr. Cabell's period of residency. In 1840, for example, the Visitors decided to adopt a scheme drawn up by General Charles to convert the gymnasium "into two apartments for lecture rooms." This scheme included the "excavation of a space at least four feet wide parallel with the South walls" of the gymnasium and " extending from the steps of the Rotunda to the porticos" of Pavilions I and II. The passage was to be faced with brick laid up with hydraulic cement. A planked enclosure on the south side of the back yard of Pavilion II was in place in 1840 and may have been installed several years earlier. In 1842 a charge of $1.50 was made for "Repairing gate of alley near Dr. Cabells." In 1851 Dr. Cabell was given permission "to occupy the lot, attached to the building occupied by the Societies and the moot court, and for that purpose to open a communication between his garden & said lot," all at his own expense. Note: 65

Changes were authorized to a brick wall at the rear of Pavilion II in 1853, probably a garden wall rather than an addition to the building. The Visitors' minutes report that Dr. Cabell was "authorized and permitted at his own expense to take down the brick wall in rear of his Pavilion & rebuild it so as to include the ground appropriated as a garden to the building in the rear of said Pavilion used by the Moot Court." In 1856 the Visitors authorized the expenditure of up to $600 for "making the additions to the outhouses in Dr. Cabell's lot as applied for by him." In 1889, Dr. Cabell was to have refunded to him $84.62 for drainage work that he had undertaken in 1855. This expense included brick, cement, and labor. Note: 66

By July, 1888, after more than a half century at the university, Dr. Cabell's health was failing. The Visitors felt that it was important that Dr. Cabell remain on the faculty and authorized him to select an assistant instructor, but within the next few months, he resigned. The Visitors directed in February, 1889, that a communication be sent to him stating that "it is the request of the Board of Visitors that he will continue to occupy his pavilion during his pleasure and to add their hope that his life may be spared for a long time." At their June, 1889, meeting, the Visitors appointed Dr. William C. Dabney to replace Dr. Cabell. Pavilion II was to be assigned to Dr. Dabney, but Dr. Cabell was to "be permitted to retain the pavilion and not make the transfer until it is convenient to him." Dr. Cabell died later in 1889. Note: 67

Dr. Dabney was already teaching at the university and at the time of his appointment was living across the Lawn at Pavilion III. At his request, Dr. Dabney was assigned during the summer of 1889 dormitory room ten, which was located immediately south of Pavilion IV, for his "office and study." Note: 68

Evidently, the only improvement made to Pavilion II when Dr. Dabney moved in was whitewashing, which was completed by William Early for $15.00 by October, 1889. By 1891, Dr. Dabney needed more space and applied to the Visitors to build an addition. The Visitors, in turn, instructed the proctor "to procure plans and specifications for such addition as may be desired, together with an estimate of the cost of same, and to report to the next meeting of the Board." In June, 1892, the Visitors approved a resolution that up to $1,200.00 be set aside from the "fund devoted to repairs and improvements" for an addition to Pavilion II. Work was undertaken immediately, for George E. Connors was paid $668.00 on August 13 and $439.50 on September 13, 1892, for the addition. This addition appears on turn-of-the-century and early twentieth-century maps of the university grounds as a rectangular block attached to the rear facade; because it did not extend the full width of the rear facade, the plan of Pavilion II became L-shaped. A two-story addition with a flat roof appears in a 1903 engraving. Dabney was able to enjoy the addition for only a brief time, for he died in 1894, at age 45. The Visitors called him a "brilliant and distinguished physician, an able and successful professor, and a general and accomplished Christian gentleman." Note: 69

Dr. Augustus H. Buckmaster was elected to the Chair of Practice of Medicine, Obstetrics and Gynecology and was assigned to Pavilion II in March, 1895. He appears to have resided there for only about a year. In March, 1896, James A. Harrison , professor of modern languages, was given his choice of Pavilions II or VIII. He chose to live in II and remained there until his retirement in March, 1909. Aside from problems with the grates and the water closet that occurred soon after he moved in and the introduction of steam heating in 1899-1900, no changes to the building are noted in the records. Note: 70

C. Alphonso Smith , professor of English, succeeded James Harrison as the resident of Pavilion II in 1909. The Visitors directed the superintendent of buildings and grounds "to make such changes in the house as may be necessary for his occupancy," but the nature of the changes was not specified. Smith remained at Pavilion II until the spring of 1917, when possession was granted to William H. Heck , professor of education, "at the usual rental of $300." Heck immediately requested that "the University make the needed repairs to Pavilion #2, consisting of inexpensive painting and papering the four rooms." However, his modest request was not approved due to the "existing conditions brought about by the war, and the necessity of retrenchment in every direction by the University." Note: 71

In 1919 Ivey F. Lewis , professor of biology, was assigned to Pavilion II "upon its being vacated by Mrs. Heck." He remained at Pavilion II until 1953. An aerial photograph of the grounds dating from the 1920s shows Pavilion II as a full rectangle, the area that had been a void in the earlier L-shaped plan having been filled in, thus suggesting that the present configuration of the wing was established during Professor Lewis's occupancy. Note: 72

In 1952 Frederick D. Nichols , associate professor of art and architecture at the University, was appointed to supervise alterations to Pavilion II. He later described the changes thus:

Pavilion II, which had been the Medical School in the mid-nineteenth century, had undergone many changes and was in very bad condition. The splendid proportions of Jefferson's interior had been totally lost; a large hall had been added across the front, a large arch cut between the front rooms, a Greek Revival mantel substituted for the original in the school room, and the free-standing stair had been pushed against the rear wall. A one-story addition at the rear contained a kitchen, bedroom and bath.

The first floor plan was returned to the original with a small entry in the center of the front. The small stair to the basement was removed, along with vestiges of wall paper printed with a rusticated stone design. Fortunately, the old cornices had merely been moved during previous alterations, and they were carefully replaced in the original locations. Three generous windows were provided when the rear wall of the schoolroom, which had been added to form a pantry, was removed. The earlier design of his typical fireplaces was used for the mantel, and the arch closed up. The restored room is one of the most exciting of all Jefferson's spaces.

The study, or dining room, on the north was made smaller, making the fireplace wall asymmetrical. Some community protest resulted, such is the power of symmetry. The new wall was placed on the old headers where it was shown on the drawing, and the free-standing stair, one of the most dramatic of all Jefferson's designs, was replaced. A modern kitchen, bath and dining room were provided in the rear wing.

A Federal mantel with pilasters and a Gothic Revival coal grate were found in the basement. As the original fireplace had been plastered up, these were used in the study. All trim was painted the original white, with dark brown baseboards, and the doors were painted and grained. The existing wall colors, perhaps selected by tenants rather than the architects, were yellow, gray, Wedgwood blue and buff. In the basement kitchen there was whitewash with some evidence of an iron oxide paint thinned with buttermilk for economy.

On the second floor, one original Franklin stove used by Jefferson was placed in the drawing room, borrowed from Monticello. The other two stoves are American Empire design with brass ornaments. A large dressing room was converted into two baths. Note: 73

In December, 1952, the Visitors' committee on buildings and grounds, as part of a policy to establish proportionate representation of each of the schools of the university in the pavilions and to give deans preference of selection, decided to reserve Pavilion II for a school not then represented on the Lawn. Lewis M. Hammond , dean of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, was assigned to Pavilion II in 1954 and remained there through 1976, except for 1960-62, when he rented it to Joseph L. Vaughan, Jr. , professor of engineering. From 1976 until 1990, Pavilion II was occupied by Edwin E. Floyd , professor of mathematics. Note: 74

NOTES

THE EVOLUTION OF PAVILION II

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